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in Context

“The Vision”

D&C 76

Matthew McBride

John Johnson home in Hiram, Ohio

While traveling east on a mission during the early spring of 1832, Samuel H. Smith and Orson Hyde stopped for dinner at the home of recent convert Lincoln Haskins.1 Haskins, who lived in the far-western reaches of New York, had just returned from a journey to Ohio, where he met Joseph Smith.2 The timing of Haskins’ late-February visit to Kirtland and Hiram was providential: Just days earlier, the prophet and Sidney Rigdon had experienced a momentous vision.

‘Great and Marvelous Things’

Haskins likely heard about this vision from Joseph or one of the few other men who were present when it occurred on February 16 at the home of John Johnson in Hiram. Joseph Smith and Sidney Rigdon were there working on a revision of the New Testament. Earlier revelations made it "apparent that many important points, touching the Salvation of man, had been taken from the Bible." According to Joseph's history, the two men were pondering the significance of a passage on the resurrection found in John 5:29 when "the Lord touched the eyes of our understandings" and they witnessed the vision.3

“Not a sound nor motion [was] made by anyone but Joseph and Sidney,” recalled Philo Dibble, one of those present. “I saw the glory and felt the power, but did not see the vision.”4 Dibble and as many as twelve others listened as Joseph Smith and Sidney Rigdon described aloud what they saw.

“The Vision,” as it became known, contained a sweeping description of what awaited humankind after death. It outlined varying degrees of glory divided into three kingdoms as the inheritances for the vast majority of God’s children; revealed that consignment to eternal punishment would be the fate of only a small few; and explained that the righteous would receive the Father’s fullness: “[W]herefore as it is writen they are Gods even the sons of God wherefore all things are theres”5 (see D&C 76:58).

D&C 76 on
D&C 76 on

Haskins shared his elation over this expansive vision with his guests during their visit to his home. “[H]e told us that he had seen Joseph & Sidney & that they had had a vision & that they had seen great & marvilous things,” Samuel Smith wrote in his journal.6

A few days after their visit with Haskins, the missionaries “had the privlidge of reading“ a written account of “the Vision” when they met Seth and Joel Johnson, two Church members who carried with them a precious handwritten copy they had made while in Kirtland.7 These exchanges demonstrate the excitement with which some early converts treated “the Vision.” But not everyone shared their enthusiasm.


The view of the afterlife laid out in “the Vision” contrasted starkly with the beliefs of most Christians at the time. A majority believed in a strict heaven-and-hell theology of the world to come: those obedient to the Gospel of Jesus Christ would be saved, but the wicked would be consigned to eternal punishment.8 However, there were a growing number who felt that this view was inconsistent with other Biblical teachings about God’s mercy, justice, and power to save.

For example, a young Congregationalist named Caleb Rich became troubled when his minister taught that Christ would have a mere few “trophies of his Mission to the world, while his antagonist would have countless millions.” Rich feared that his own spiritual “situation appeared more precarious than a ticket in a lottery.”9 He eventually rejected his minister’s doctrine and embraced what is known as Universalism. Simply put, Universalists believed that God would not eternally punish sinners but that all would eventually be saved in God’s kingdom. Joseph Smith’s father and his grandfather Asael Smith held Universalist views.10

Most Christians felt that Universalism went too far, that its teaching of universal salvation removed all incentive to keep God’s commandments and would lead to an immoral, dissolute life. Many early converts to the Church agreed and may have felt confirmed in their view by certain Book of Mormon passages.11 However, “the Vision,” appeared to some of these converts to advocate Universalist teachings. Consequently, as people like Lincoln Haskins and Joel and Seth Johnson began to carry word of “the Vision” to the scattered branches of the Church, it created a stir.

‘Many Stumbled at It’

Some outside observers scoffed at the newly revealed doctrine. One Christian newspaper responded to “the Vision” by sarcastically claiming that Joseph Smith sought to “disgrace Universalism by professing… the salvation of all men.”12 But more disconcerting to the prophet were the reactions of some Church members.

“It was a great trial to many,” Brigham Young remembered. “Some apostatized because God … had a place of salvation, in due time, for all.”13 Young himself had difficulty accepting the idea: “My traditions were such, that when the Vision came first to me, it was so directly contrary and opposed to my former education, I said, wait a little; I did not reject it, but I could not understand it.”14 His brother Joseph Young also confessed, “I could not believe it at first. Why the Lord was going to save everybody.”15

Perhaps in a knee-jerk reaction to what seemed to be hints of Universalism, some early members overlooked the subtle beauty of “the Vision.” Avoiding the extremes of Universalism and the orthodox view of heaven and hell, it suggested that the sufferings of the disobedient would indeed ultimately end, but that the Lord also held out the promise of unimaginable rewards for those who are “valiant in the testimony of Jesus” (see D&C 76:79).

When the Vision came first to me, it was so directly contrary and opposed to my former education, I said, wait a little; I did not reject it, but I could not understand it.

Many of those who “stumbled” simply needed some time to ponder, or the patient hand of a missionary or spiritual leader to explain. Joseph Young remembered, “After I had prayed over it and Joseph had explained it I could see it was nothing but good sense accompanying the power of God.”16 Brigham Young had to “think and pray, to read and think, until I knew and fully understood it for myself.”17

In May or June 1832, missionary John Murdock encountered resistance to the ideas in “the Vision” in Orange, Ohio (near Cleveland): “[T]he brethren had just received the Revilation called the vision & were stumbling at it.” Murdock acted the part of spiritual mentor: “I called them togather & confirmed them in the truth.”18

Later, Murdock and fellow missionary Orson Pratt encountered a Brother Landen in Geneseo, New York, who “said the vision was of the Devil.” Landen had influenced his branch to reject the new revelation as well. The missionaries spent a few days with the branch. “Br Orson led in explination of the vision & other revelation followed by my self & Br Lyman,” wrote Murdock. Landen soon “acknowledged what we taught to be true.”19

Joseph Smith sent the branch in Geneseo a letter admonishing them to have faith in the revelation. He warned, “[W]here there  contentions, and unbelief in the sacred things communicated to the saints by revelation, that discord, hardness, jealousies, and numberless evils will inevitably insue.”20

‘Remain Silent’

The prophet learned from this experience just how delicate the testimonies of many new converts could be and counseled missionaries to take a milk-before-meat approach to teaching gospel principles (1 Cor. 3:2). Prior to their departure to England, he urged the Twelve Apostles to “remain silent concerning the gathering. the vision, and the Book of Doctrine and Covenants, until such time as the work was fully established.”21 However, it proved difficult for some members to contain their enthusiasm for the new revelation.

Heber C. Kimball, echoing Joseph Smith’s counsel, encouraged his fellow missionaries to keep to the introductory principles of the gospel. Kimball had helped convert a minister, Timothy Matthews, in Bedford, England, and established an appointment for his baptism. But another elder, John Goodson, “contrary to my counsel and positive instructions, and without advising with any one, read to Mr. Matthews, the vision … which caused him to stumble.” Matthews failed to keep his appointment and never joined the Church.22

‘It Came from God’

While a few early Church members struggled to accept “the Vision,” many embraced it unreservedly. William W. Phelps, Church printer in Missouri, published it in the Church-owned The Evening and The Morning Star in July 1832 calling it “the greatest news ever published to man.”23

Wilford Woodruff, an 1833 convert, recalled, “When I read the vision … it enlightened my mind and gave me great joy. It appeared to me that the God who revealed that principle unto man was wise, just, and true—possessed both the best of attributes, and good sense, and knowledge. I felt He was consistent with both love, mercy, justice, and judgment; and I felt to love the Lord more than ever before in my life.”24

Perhaps some of those who embraced “the Vision” were predisposed by their past beliefs.25 Some, like Joseph Smith’s father, may have had Universalist leanings. But while this new vision shared some similarities with the thought and writings of the Universalists, it departed from and expanded upon these ideas in new and inspired ways. Joseph Smith’s history concluded, “Nothing could be more pleasing to the Saint … than the light which burst upon the world, through the foregoing vision. … The sublimity of the ideas; the purity of the language; the scope for action; the continued duration for completion, in order that the heirs of salvation, may confess the Lord and bow the knee; The rewards for faithfulnes & the punishments for sins, are so much beyond the narrow mindedness of men, that every honest man is constrained to exclaim; It came from God.”26

For more on the sections mentioned in this article, see the forthcoming volume, Matthew C. Godfrey, Mark Ashurst-McGee, Grant Underwood, Robert J. Woodford, William G. Hartley, eds. Documents, Volume 2: July 1831-January 1833. Vol. 2 of the Documents series of The Joseph Smith Papers, edited by Dean C. Jessee, Ronald K. Esplin, and Richard Lyman Bushman. Salt Lake City: Church Historian’s Press, 2013.


[1] Orson Hyde, Diary, 21 March 1832.

[2] While in Ohio, Haskins was baptized and became the subject of a revelation that commanded him to “go forth and proclaim my gospel.” See Revelation, 27 February 1832, Joseph Smith Papers.

[3] History, 1838-1856, volume A-1, 183, 185, JSP.

[4] Philo Dibble, “Recollections of the Prophet Joseph Smith,” Juvenile Instructor 27, no. 10 (May 15, 1892): 303–304. This account was the last of three that Dibble gave of “the Vision,” and it differs somewhat from his earlier versions. In one earlier account, he claimed not to have arrived until the vision was ending. See Payson (UT) Ward, General Minutes, “Record of Sunday Meetings,” January 7, 1877, 137.

[5] Vision, 16 February 1832, JSP.

[6] Samuel H. Smith, Diary, 21 March 1832.

[7] Samuel H. Smith, Diary, 27 March 1832.

[8] The “Westminster Confession,” which served as the basis of orthodox belief for most early Americans, states that following the judgment, “shall the righteous go into everlasting life, and receive that fulness of joy and refreshing, which shall come from the presence of the Lord; but the wicked who know not God, and obey not the Gospel of Jesus Christ, shall be cast into eternal torments, and be punished with everlasting destruction.”

[9] Caleb Rich quoted in Nathan O. Hatch, The Democratization of American Christianity (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1989), 172. For more on Universalism see Milton V. Backman, American Religions and Rise of Mormonism (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Company, 1970), 216-223.

[10] See Casey Paul Griffiths, “Universalism and the Revelations of Joseph Smith,” in The Doctrine and Covenants, Revelations in Context: The 37th Annual Brigham Young University Sidney B. Sperry Symposium, ed. Andrew H. Hedges, J. Spencer Fluhman, and Alonzo L. Gaskill (Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University, 2008), 168–87.

[11] For example, in Alma, a man named Nehor is condemned for teaching “that all mankind should be saved at the last day” (Alma 1:4).

[12] “Changes of Mormonism,” Evangelical Magazine and Gospel Advocate 3, No. 11 (March 17, 1832). Emphasis in original.

[13] Brigham Young, May 18, 1873, Journal of Discourses (London: Latter-Day Saints’ Book Depot, 1854-1886), 16:42.

[14] Brigham Young, August 29, 1852, in Journal of Discourses (London: Latter-day Saints’ Book Depot, 1854-1886), 6:281.

[15] Joseph Young, “Discourse,” Deseret Weekly News (March 18, 1857), 11.

[16] Joseph Young, “Discourse,” Deseret Weekly News (March 18, 1857), 11.

[17] Brigham Young, August 29, 1852, in Journal of Discourses (London: Latter-day Saints’ Book Depot, 1854-1886), 6:281.

[18] John Murdock Diary (1830-1833), manuscript, Church History Library, 18.

[19] John Murdock Diary (1830-1833), manuscript, Church History Library, 27-29. The following January (1834), Landen left the Church over “the Vision.” See Elden Watson ed., The Orson Pratt Journals (Salt Lake City: Elden Jay Watson, 1975), 35-36.

[20] Joseph Smith et al., Letter to “Dearly Beloved Brethren,” November 23, 1833, JSP.

[21] History, 1838-1856, volume B-1, 762, JSP.

[22] Orson F. Whitney, Life of Heber C. Kimball (Salt Lake City: Juvenile Instructor, 1888), 162. Kimball wrote to Willard Richards “The hearts of the people are closed up in Bedford, by Elder Goodson preaching those things he was commanded to let alone” (72).

[23] “Items for the Public,” The Evening and the Morning Star 1, No. 2 (July 1832): 25. The “Vision” itself is published on pages 27-30.

[24] Wilford Woodruff, April 9, 1857, in Journal of Discourses (London: Latter-Day Saints’ Book Depot, 1854-1886), 5:84.

[25] Alexander Campbell, a leader of the Disciples of Christ (a movement with which many early Ohio converts were previously affiliated) expounded a theory of "Three Kingdoms" a few years earlier in The Christian Baptist 6, no. 1 (August 4, 1828): 97-99. Campbell's ideas bore only a vague resemblance to those contained in "the Vision" but may have resonated with some of Campbell's former followers. See Mark Lyman Staker, Hearken, O Ye People: The Historical Settings of Joseph Smith’s Ohio Revelations (Salt Lake City: Greg Kofford Books, 2009), 322-328. Campbell may have been influenced by the writings of the Swedish mystic, Emanuel Swedenborg. See J. B. Haws, “Joseph Smith, Emanuel Swedenborg, and Section 76: Importance of the Bible in Latter-day Revelation,” in The Doctrine and Covenants, Revelations in Context: The 37th Annual Brigham Young University Sidney B. Sperry Symposium, ed. Andrew H. Hedges, J. Spencer Fluhman, and Alonzo L. Gaskill (Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University, 2008), 142-167.

[26] History, 1838–1856, volume A-1, 192, JSP.